Fourth Generation Inclusive

Historical Documents of Genealogical Interest to Researchers of North Carolina's Free People of Color

Category: Rights

Licensed to carry.

Free Negroes licensed to carry guns 12 months

Date of license June 1852 – Loftin ChanceRichard MorrisGeorge LewisEzekiel ChanceTheophilus GeorgeWilliam Cully

September 1852 – Israel PettifordJohn GaudetJohn A. WigginsJames GaudetWright PettifordWill. GaudetGeorge RobersonBen. Banton

Dec’r 1852 – Kelso DavisRufus Chance

March 1853 – Sylvester GaskinsJohn FennerThomas FennerElijah George

Records of Slaves and Free Persons of Color, Craven County Records, North Carolina State Archives.

In the 1850 census of Craven County, the following households:

  • Israel Pettiford, 25, farmer, wife Lucretia, 29, and children Caroline, 14, Willis, 3, and Francis, 2.
  • Loftin Chance, 57, farmer, wife Betsy, 55, and Ezekiel, 20, Rufus, 18, Betsy, 12, and [illegible] Chance, 11.  Also, Rufus Chance, 45, cooper, wife HannahSamuel Carter, 10, and Amos Fenner, 9. 
  • Richd. Moore Jnr., 35, laborer, wife Elennor, 25, and Mary, 4.
  • George Lewis, 33, boatman, wife Rebecca, 29, and Amos, 7 months.
  • Thepolus George, 22, boatman, wife Lucinda, 21, and Levery Godett, 55. Also Theop. George Jnr., 46, farmer, Susan, 24, Merinda, 18, Elijah, 16, Deborah, 12, Betsy, 9, James, 6, and Martha, 1.
  • James Godett, 70, farmer, wife Hepsy, 41, and James, 10, Jeremiah, 9, and William Godett, 6.
  • Right Pettiford, 38, farmer.
  • John Godett Jnr., 28, laborer, wife Mary, 24, and Francis, 6, Susan, 2, Nancy, 1 month, and Nancy Harkley, 17.
  • William Cully, 50, farmer, Mary, 40, William, 17, Hepsy, 16, Phebe, 14, and Mary, 3.
  • John R. Wiggins, 64, farmer, wife Julia, 50, and children George,14, Philip,12, Julia,10, Unis, 8, Nelly, 73, and John, 3.
  • John Fenner, 55, wife Ann, 45, and Philip Moore, 12.
  • Thomas Fenner, 50, Penelope, 55, and Thomas Carter, 9.
  • Elijah George, 35, boatman, Sarah, 21, Theopilus, 13, Matthew, 7, and Nancy, 1.
  • Benjamin Banton, 30, farmer, Celia, 70, Elizabeth, 25, Cornelia, 5, and Hepsy, 3.
  • George Roberson, 50, farmer, Betsy, 50, and Sidney Mahonis, 50.
  • George Godett Jnr., 66, farmer, wife Julia, 50, and William, 18, Andrew, 15, Sally, 15, Betsy, 32, and Jesse Ransom, 55.

39 lashes for preaching to slaves.

[1831, chap. 4, sec. 1. Slaves and free negroes not to preach in public.]

36. It shall not be lawful under any pretence for any slave, or free person of colour to preach or exhort in public or in any manner to officiate as a preacher or teacher in any prayer meeting, or other association for worship where slaves of different families are collected together; and if any free person of colour shall be thereof duly convicted on indictment before any court having jurisdiction thereof, he shall, for each offence, receive, not exceeding thirty-nine lashes on his bare back; and where any slave shall be guilty of a violation of this act, he shall, on conviction before a single magistrate, receive not exceeding thirty-nine lashes on his bare back.

No. 105, An Act Concerning Slaves and Free Persons of Color. Revised Code of North Carolina, 1855.

The sailor quit his vessel and stayed.

State of North Carolina, Chowan County     }  Court of Pleas & Quarter Sessions, August Term 1856

The Jurors for the State on this oath present that Anthony Adams a free man of colour not being a citizen of the State did on the 1st day of July 1856 migrate into this State contrary to the form of the statute in such case made & provided.

The Jurors aforesaid on their oath aforesaid do further present that Anthony Adams a free man of colour not being a citizen of this State & coming into the State as a sailor did on the 1st day of June 1856 attempt to & did migrate into this State by quitting the vessel in which he came into the State & not leaving the State in the same contrary to the form of the Statute in such case made & provided.   Hines Solicitor

[On reverse] State vs Anthony Adams } Misdm’r  A True Bill

Miscellaneous Slave Records, Chowan County Records, North Carolina State Archives.

I blame the State of North Carolina.

THOMAS HEDGEBETH.

I was born free, in Halifax Co. North Carolina, where I lived thirty-five years. About ten years ago, I removed to Indiana. My father was a farmer, half white, who ran through his farm. If a white man there brings a great account, the white man would carry it against the colored, — the law there does not favor colored people. I cannot read or write. A free-born man in North Carolina is as much oppressed, in one sense, as the slave: I was not allowed to go to school. I recollect when I was a boy, a colored man came from Ohio, and opened a school, but it was broken up. I was in the field ploughing with my father, — he said he wished we could go and learn. I think it an outrageous sin and shame, that a free colored man could not be taught. My ignorance has a very injurious effect on my prospects and success. I blame the State of North Carolina — the white people of that State — for it. I am now engaged in a troublesome lawsuit, about the title to my estate, which I would not have got into, had I known how to read and write.

There were lots of slaves in the neighborhood where I was raised. After I grew up to take notice of things, I found I was oppressed as well as they. I thought it a sin then, for one man to hold another. I never was allowed to visit among the slaves, — had I been caught visiting them, I should have been fined: if a slave had visited me, he would have been whipped. This prevented my having much intercourse with them, except when I was hired to work by the masters. The conversation among the slaves was, that they worked hard, and got no benefit, — that the masters got it all. They knew but little about the good of themselves, — they often grumbled about food and clothing, — that they had not enough. I never heard a colored man grumbling about that here. They were generally religious, — they believed in a just God, and thought the owners wrong in punishing them in the way they were punished. A good many were so ignorant that they did not know any better, than to suppose that they were made for slavery, and the white men for freedom. Some, however, would talk about freedom, and think they ought to be free.

I have often been insulted, abused, and imposed upon, and had advantage taken of me by the whites in North Carolina, and could not help myself.

When I was twenty-one, I went to vote, supposing it would be allowed. The ‘Squire, who held the box objected, and said no colored man was allowed to vote. I felt very badly about it, — I felt cheap, and I felt vexed: but I knew better than to make an answer, — I would have been knocked down certain. Unless I took off my hat, and made a bow to a white man, when I met him, he would rip out an oath, —  “d–n you, you mulatto, ain’t you got no politeness? Do n’t you know enough to take off your hat to a white man?” On going into a store, I was required to take off my hat.

I have seen slaves with whom I worked, nearly starved out, and yet stripped and whipped; blood cut out of them. It makes my flesh creep now to think of it – such gashes as I’ve seen cut in them. After a whipping, they would often leave and take to the woods for a month or two, and live by taking what they could find. I’ve often heard it said that’s the cause of colored people in the South being dishonest, because they are brought so as to be obliged to steal. But I do not consider it dishonest — I always thought it right for a slave to take and eat as much as he wanted where he labored.

At some places where I have worked, I have known that the slaves had not a bite of meat given them. They had a pint of corn meal unsifted, for a meal, — three pints a day. I have seen the white men measure it, and the cook bake it, and seen them eat it: that was all they had but water — they might have as much of that as they wanted. This is no hearsay — I’ve seen it through the spring, and on until crop time: three pints of meal a day and the bran and nothing else. I heard them talk among themselves about having got a chicken or something, and being whipped for it. They were a bad looking set — some twenty of them — starved and without clothing enough for decency. It ought to have been a disgrace to their master, to see them about his house. If a man were to go through Canada so, they ‘d stop him to know what he meant by it — whether it was poverty or if he was crazy, — and they ‘d put a suit of clothes on him. I have seen them working out in the hot sun in July or August without hats — bareheaded. It was not from choice, — they could n’t get hats.

I have seen families put on the block and sold, some one way, some another way. I remember a family about two miles from me, — a father and mother and three children. Their master died, and they were sold. The father went one way, the mother another, with one child, and the other two children another way. I saw the sale — I was there — I went to buy hogs. The purchaser examined the persons of the slaves to see if they were sound, — if they were “good niggers.” I was used to such things, but it made me feel bad to see it. The oldest was about ten or eleven years. It was hard upon them to be separated — they made lamentations about it. I never heard a white man at a sale express a wish that a family might be sold together.

On removing to Indiana, the white people did not seem so hostile altogether, nor want the colored people to knuckle quite so low. There were more white people who were friendly than in North Carolina. I was not allowed my vote nor my oath. There were more who wished colored people to have their rights than in North Carolina, — I mean there were abolitionists in Indiana.

I came here a year last spring, to escape the oppression of the laws upon the colored men. After the fugitive slave bill was passed, a man came into Indianapolis, and claimed John Freeman, a free colored man, an industrious, respectable man, as his slave. He brought proofs enough. Freeman was kept in jail several weeks, — but at last it turned out that the slave sought, was not Freeman, but a colored man in Canada, and F. was released. The danger of being taken as Freeman was, and suffering from a different decision, worked on my mind. I came away into Canada in consequence, as did many others. There were colored people who could have testified to Freeman’s being free from his birth, but their oath would not be taken in Indiana.

In regard to Canada, I like the country, the soil, as well as any country I ever saw. I like the laws, which leave a man as much freedom as a man can have, — still there is prejudice here. The colored people are trying to remove this by improving and educating themselves, and by industry, to show that they are a people who have minds, and that all they want is cultivating.

I do not know how many colored people are here — but last summer five hundred and twenty-five were counted leaving the four churches.

From Benjamin Drew, A North-Side View of Slavery. The Refugee: or the Narratives of Fugitive Slaves in Canada Related by Themselves, with an Account of the History and Condition of the Colored Population of Upper Canada (1856).

Though his age is off by several years, this is possibly the Tho. Hedgepath, 31, farmer, with wife Mary, 28, and children A., 7, M.J., 3, and L., 7 months, listed in the 1850 census of Center, Marion County, Indiana. Thomas, Mary and A. were born in North Carolina; the younger children in Indiana.

He craves the privilege of carrying a shotgun.

State of North Carolina, Edgcomb County   }

To the Worshipful the Justices of the Court of Pleas and Quarter Sestions May Term 1841 – The Petition of the under Signed Cizens of Said County Humly requesting:

Your Petitioners respectfully Shew unto your worships that Basdill Thomas of the State and County afore said having been a Citizens of Destrict No 7 of the 1 regiment of the Edgcomb Militia, he being a free person of color and having been debard by the Laws of the State of keeping Fire armes Except in Case of having a proper License from the worshipful Court of the County wherein he resides whare as he the said Thomas Craves the privilege to geather with his assigners of being Impowered with the authority of Carrying or using a Shot gun or musket in his neighbor hood or about his Dometical afares and also the said Thomas to gather with his assigners wish to shew to your worship in order that you may be Staisfied that he has been a resident of said District above mentioned and that he is a peaceable & quiet Citizen and Stands fare as an honest man and as & unblemished a character as any man in the neighbourhood for the Last for or Five years Whareas we the under signd are willing and do assigne our names with the same Thomas to be granted the above named privilidg this 24th May 1841

/s/ Basdill Thomas, Wm. R. Dupree, R.F. Eagles, John A. Pin[illegible]

Rejected – By order, May term 1841 – Louis D. Wilson

Slave Records, Edgecombe County Records, North Carolina State Archives.

Basdill Thomas married Sally Young in Franklin County on 13 March 1833. Benja. Long was bondsman; S. Patterson, witness.

A plea for the repeal of a tax on free colored wives and daughters.

To the Worshipful the Speaker and Gentlemen of the Assembly.

The petition of Sundry of the Inhabitants of the Counties of Northampton Edgecombe and Granville.

Humbly Sheweth That by one Act of Assembly passed in the year 1723, Intituled “An Act for an Additional Tax on all free Negroes, Mulattoes, Mustees and such Persons Male & Female, as now are or hereafter shall be intermarried with any such Persons resident in this Government.” Amongst other Things it was enacted That all free Negroes &c. that were or shou’d thereafter be Inhabitants of this Province Male & Female being of the Age of twelve Years & upwards shou’d be deemed Tythables and as such should yearly pay the same Levies and Taxes as other Tythable Inhabitants.

That many Inhabitants of the sd Counties who are Free Negroes & Mulattoes and persons of Probity & good Demeanor and chearfully contribute towards the Discharge of every public Duty injoined them by Law. But by reason of being obliged by the sd Act of Assembly to pay Levies for their Wives and Daughters as therein mentioned are greatly Impoverished and many of them rendered unable to support themselves and Families with the common Necessaries of Life.

Wherefore your Petitioners would humbly pray in behalf of the sd Free Negroes &c. That so much of the said recited Act as compels such of them as Intermarry with those of their own complection to pay Taxes for their Wives & Daughters may be repealed or that they may be otherwise relieved as to your Worships in your great Wisdom seem meet.

And your Petitioners as in Duty bound shall pray &c.

Granville County: Will’m Eaton, John Hawkins, Phil. Hawkins, George Jordin, Tho’s Lowe, Jno. Sallis, Patrick Lashley, Phil. Pryor, Fra’s King, Jno. Bowie, Aaron Fassol, John Jones, Tho’s Dulany, John Wade, Zack Bullock, George Cuttlor, John Williams Jun’r, Thomas Woodlief, John Gibbs, William Forkner, And’w Hampton, Marton Dickson, Moses Coppack, Amanwall Forkner, Wm. Johnson, Leopold Fallon, Jonas Parker, James Smith, Rich’d Harris, Wm. Smith, Amos Newsom, Jos. Brantley, Shurley Whatley, James Brantly, Jno. Glover, Edw. Young, John Martin.

Edgcomb County: Jos. Jno. Alston, Wm. Irby, Will’m Anderson, Joseph Strickland, Thos. Wood, Benj’n Sherrod, John Jones, Jacob Strickland, Augustin Curtis, Nathan Joyner, John Noland, Ebenezer Folsom, Benj. Nevill, Wm. Adams, John Cheney, William Richason, John Fish, Richard McKinne, James Brown.

Miscellaneous Records, Office of Secretary of State, North Carolina State Archives, as transcribed in Colonial and State Records of North Carolina, http://www.docsouth.unc.edu

He cannot go blow for blow, but he can defend himself.

State v. Lawrence Davis, 52 NC 52 (1859).

This indictment for assault and battery arose in Craven Superior Court.  Lawrence Davis was a free negro living in New Bern.  Edward Hart was a regularly appointed and qualified constable for the town. Hart had a notice directing David to show cause why he should not work on the streets as the penalty for not having paid his taxes. (A New Bern ordinance: “Ordered that all free negroes, who have not paid their taxes, shall be made to work on the streets two days for each and every dollar of tax due the town by them, and if he refuses to do the same, upon due notice being given him, he shall pay a fine, at the discretion of the Mayor, not exceeding $10.” Hart arrested Davis and, while he attempted to tie him, Davis struck him.

The lower court found Davis guilty, and he appealed.

The Supreme Court suggested that Davis’ conviction may have rested on the proposition that a free negro is not justified, under any circumstances, in striking a white man. “To this, we cannot yield our assent. Self-defense is a natural right, and, although the social relation of this third class of our population, and a regard for its proper subordination requires that the right should be restricted, yet, nothing short of manifest public necessity can furnish a ground for taking it away absolutely; because a free negro, however lowly his condition, is in the “peace of the State,” and to deprive him of this right, would be to put him on the footing of an outlaw.” So, though a free negro ordinarily was not to return blow for blow or fight with a white man, “as one white man may do with another, or one free negro with another, he is not deprived, absolutely, of the right of self-defense.” Rather, to justify a battery on a white man, the free negro is required to prove that it was necessary for him to strike in order to protect himself from “great bodily harm or grievous oppression.” In other words, if there is cruelty or unusual circumstances of oppression, a blow is excusable. 

In this case, a constable serving a notice on the defendant, without any authority whatever, arrested him and attempted to tie him.  “Is not this gross oppression? For what purpose was he to be tied? What degree of cruelty might not the defendant reasonably apprehend after he should be entirely in the power of one who had set upon him in so highhanded and lawless a manner? Was he to submit tamely? Or, was he not excusable for resorting to the natural right of self-defense?” 

Under these circumstances, the judge committed error, and a new trial was ordered. 

Voter Registration under the Grandfather Clause: Sampson County.

Public Laws of North Carolina, 1899, chapter 218.

(Sec. 4.) Every person presenting himself for registration shall be able to read and write any section of the constitution in the English language and before he shall be entitled to vote he shall have paid on or before the first day of March of the year in which he proposes to vote his poll tax as prescribed by law for the previous year. Poll taxes shall be a lien only on assessed property and no process shall issue to enforce the collection of the same except against assessed property.

(Sec. 5.) No male person who was on January one, eighteen hundred and sixty-seven, or at any time prior thereto entitled to vote under the laws of any states in the United States wherein he then resided, and no lineal descendant of any such person, shall be denied the right to register and vote at any election in this state by reason of his failure to possess the educational qualification prescribed in section four of this article….

The following colored men registered to vote in Sampson County in 1902-06.  In accordance with Section 5, each was required to name the ancestor who “grandfathered” him in:

C.H. Brewington, 63, Dismal township, Johnson Brewington.

In 1850 Northern District, Sampson, Johnson Brewington, 45, house carpenter;  wife Nancy, 23; and children Charles, 6, John, 4, Johnson, 2, and James, 2 months; all mulatto.  In 1860, Northern Division: Johnson Bruington, 50, cooper; wife Nancy, 45; and children Young, 12, Charles, 13, Johnson, 12, Andrew, 9, Mary, 8, Elizabeth, 7, William, 6, Alexandria, 5, Matilda, 3, and Adolphus, 1; all mulatto.

Matthew Burnett, 24, Dismal, Matthew Burnett.

In the 1850 census of Fayetteville, Cumberland County: Arch’d Burnet, 55, laborer, wife Lucinda, 39, and children Matthew, 9, Alex’d, 6, Susan, 2, and Henrietta, 14; all mulatto.

Enoch Manuel, Dismal, Michel Manuel.

Jonah Manuel, Dismal, Michel Manuel.

Enoch Manuel Jr., Dismal, Michel Manuel.

In the 1850 census of Northern District, Sampson County: Michael Manuel, 63, cooper; wife Fereby, 49; and children Gideon, 19, Cintilla, 16, Drusilla, 15, Michael, 13, Eden, 11, John, 9, William, 7, Enoch, 4, and Nancy, 1; all described as mulatto.

Hardy Brewington, 56, Herrings, himself.

Matthew L. Brewington, 30, Herrings, Hardy Brewington.

John A. Brewington, 25, Honeycutts, Hardy A. Brewington.

C.D. Brewington, 21, Herrings, Raiford Brewington.

George B. Brewington, 22, Herrings, Raiford Brewington.

James A. Brewington, 37, Honeycutts, unnamed.

In the 1850 census of Northern District, Sampson County: Raiford Brewington, 38, cooper; wife Barsheba, 33; and children Nancy, 13, Thomas, 10, Lucy, 9, Ann, 7, James, 5, Hardy, 3, Joshua, 2, and Raiford, 2 months; plus Hardy Manuel, 17; all mulatto.

Lofton Goodman, 71, Herrings, himself.

James Goodman, 24, Herrings, Lofton Goodman.

John R. Goodman, 36, Herrings, Lofton Goodman.

Rubin Goodman, 56, Herrings, Timothy Goodman.

Jonathan Goodman, 64, Honeycutts, Timothy Goodman.

In the 1850 census of the Northern District of Sampson County: Timothy Goodman, 43, “turpentine”; wife Nancy, 37; and children John, 17, laborer, Lofton, 16, laborer, Jonathan, 10, Anna, 9, Reuben, 6, Timothy, 3, Matilda, 6 months; all mulatto.

Henry Hardin, 53, Herrings, Amos Hardin.

In the 1850 census of the Northern District of Sampson County: Amos Hardin, 36, cooper; wife Cassey, 33; and children John, 10, Abel, 6, Mary, 5, Martha, 4, and Frances, 2; all mulatto. In 1860, Honeycutts, Sampson: Amos Hardin, 47, wheelright; wife Cassia, 40; and children John, 22, day laborer, Abel, 17, day laborer, Mary, 12, Patsey, 10, Francis, 8, Henry, 7, and Sarah, 5; all mulatto.

Owen H. Jacob, 58, Herrings, John Jacob.

Jno. R. Jacobs, 23, Herrings, Owen H. Jacobs.

William A. Jacobs, 21, Herrings, Ewens Jacobs.

Alvin Jacob, 23, Herrings, Tull Jacob.

Jno. Robert Jacobs, 23, Herrings, John Tull Jacobs.

Albert Jacobs, 29, Herrings, Tull Jacobs.

Robert H. Jacob, 51, Herrings, Robert Jacob.

In the 1850 census of New Hanover County: Betsey Jacobs, 47, and Tull, 12, Rachell, 10, and Owen H. Jacobs, 7; all mulatto.

Enous Jacob, 57, Herrings, himself.

Enos Jacobs. Died 5 October 1925, Honeycutts, Sampson County. Indian. Married to Miltildia Jacobs. Age about 83. Farmer. Born Sampson County to Archie Jacobs of Pender County and Tempie Manuel. Buried New Bethel cemetery. Informant, C.O. Jacobs.

Charley G. Jacob, 21, Herrings, Enous Jacob.

The. O. Jacob, 34, Herrings, Enous Jacob.

D.O. Jacob, 28, Herrings, Enous Jacob.

Henry Jacobs, 28, Herrings, Archie Jacobs.

Jessie A.B. Jacobs, 54, Herrings, Archie Jacobs.

In the 1860 census of Dismal, Sampson County: Archibal Jacobs, 40, cooper; wife Temperance J., 32; and children Enos, 13, Mary J., 11, Jesse, 6, Cathrine, 4, and Sarah C., 8 months; all mulatto.

John R. Jones, 35, Herrings, Jim Winn.

Thomas Jones, 27, Herrings, Jim Winn.

In the 1850 census of the Northern District of Sampson County: James Winn, 33, farmer, Buckner L. Bryan, 14, Zachariah Bryan, 13, and Owen Armwood, 24, laborer; all mulatto.

Jas. S. Strickland, 67, Herrings, himself.

In the 1860 census of Honeycutts, Sampson County: Raiford Brewington, 48; wife Basheba, 45; and children Thomas, 21, Ann E., 17, James, 15, Hardy, 13, Joshua, 11, Raiford, 9, Simon P., 8, Polla A., 6, Allen B., 4, and Nathan Brewington, 1; with James S. Stricklands, 21, and Lucy A. Stricklands, 20; all mulatto.

Elections Records, Sampson County Records, North Carolina State Archives.

Their father bound them out, but wanted them back.

Haywood Musgrove v. Wm. J. Kornegay, et al., 52 NC 71 (1859).

On a writ of habeas corpus, Simon and Lucretia Musgrove, colored children, were brought into Wayne County Superior Court upon the petition of their father, Haywood Musgrove.  William J. Kornegay, in his defense, presented a deed that Musgrove had executed to Kornegay, purporting to bind the children to him as apprentices.  It appeared that Simon was over twelve years old at the time of the transaction; assented to the binding, but did not sign the deed; and served Kornegay three or four years.  However, Lucretia was only three or four years old at the time and did not assent to the binding in any way.

The court ordered Simon and Lucretia returned to Kornegay, and their father appealed.

The Supreme Court: “A father is entitled to the services of his child until he arrive at the age of twenty-one.” He has a right of property in the child’s services, may enforce them by reasonable correction, and if the child absconds or is taken away, may recover custody by habeas corpus.  However, a father cannot assign this interest to a third person, unless the child is old enough to enter a contract (age twelve at the time) and assents to the assignation by executing the contract with his father. In this case, Lucretia was too young to be sign a contract and should be returned to her father.  And though Simon was more than twelve years old, he did not sign the deed, “the proper order is to discharge the infant and permit him to go where he pleases. Order below reversed. This order will be entered, and judgment against Kornegay for costs.”

John Anthony Copeland Jr.

Image

John Anthony Copeland, Jr. (1834–1859) was born free in Raleigh, North Carolina, to John Anthony Copeland, who was born into slavery in 1808, and Delilah Evans, born free in 1809. Copeland, Sr. was emancipated about 1815. The family lived near Hillsborough, North Carolina, until 1843, when the family migrated to Cincinnati and then Oberlin, Ohio, where some of his wife’s brothers and their families also lived.

John Copeland, Jr. worked as a carpenter and briefly attended Oberlin College. As a young man, he became involved in the Oberlin Anti-Slavery Society.  In September, 1858, with his uncles Henry and Wilson Bruce Evans, Copeland was one of the thirty-seven men involved in the Oberlin-Wellington Rescue to free John Price, a runaway slave who had been captured and held by authorities under the 1850 Fugitive Slave Act. The men freed the slave and helped him escape to Canada.

In September 1859, Copeland was recruited to John Brown’s armed group by his uncle, Lewis Sheridan Leary. Brown led twenty-one followers, sixteen white and five black men, and captured the armory guards of Harpers Ferry, then part of Virginia, where they took control of the Federal arsenal. The raiders were soon pinned down by Virginia militiamen until U.S. marines led by Robert E. Lee arrived to apprehend them.

At Harper’s Ferry, Copeland and John Henry Kagi, a white raider, were to seize control of Hall’s Rifle Works. Kagi and several others were killed while swimming across the Shenandoah River to escape. Copeland was captured alive, and he, John Brown, and five others were held for federal trial.  Copeland was found guilty of treason and murder and sentenced to death by hanging.

Six days before his execution, he wrote to his brother, referring to the American Revolution:

“And now, brother, for having lent my aid to a general no less brave [than George Washington], and engaged in a cause no less honorable and glorious, I am to suffer death. Washington entered the field to fight for the freedom of the American people – not for the white man alone, but for both black and white. Nor were they white men alone who fought for the freedom of this country. The blood of black men flowed as freely as the blood of white men. Yes, the very first blood that was spilt was that of a negro…But this you know as well as I do, … the claims which we, as colored men, have on the American people.”

Copeland’s family continued his struggle by taking up arms during the Civil War. His father served as a cook for the 55th Ohio Infantry, and his younger brother Henry E. Copeland served as a first sergeant in Douglass’s Independent Battery of Colored Artillery in Kansas.

Adapted from http://www.nccivilwar150.com/history/john-brown-nc.htm. Photo courtesy of Kansas Historical Society.