Fourth Generation Inclusive

Historical Documents of Genealogical Interest to Researchers of North Carolina's Free People of Color

Category: Crime

Unlawfully did migrate, no. 2.

State of N Carolina, Chowan County   } Court of Pleas & Quarter Sessions Aug’ts term 1859

The Jurors for the State upon there oath present that on the first day of January 1859 a free negro named Peter Cain did migrate & move from the State of Virginia into the County of Chowan in the State of North Carolina and from that time up to the time of taking this inquisition has continuously resided in the said County of Chowan State aforesaid Contrary to the form of the Statute in such case made & provided & against the peace & dignity of the State.   /s/ Ms. S. Hawks Sol.

Records of Slaves and Free Persons of Color, Chowan County Records, North Carolina State Archives.

He cannot go blow for blow, but he can defend himself.

State v. Lawrence Davis, 52 NC 52 (1859).

This indictment for assault and battery arose in Craven Superior Court.  Lawrence Davis was a free negro living in New Bern.  Edward Hart was a regularly appointed and qualified constable for the town. Hart had a notice directing David to show cause why he should not work on the streets as the penalty for not having paid his taxes. (A New Bern ordinance: “Ordered that all free negroes, who have not paid their taxes, shall be made to work on the streets two days for each and every dollar of tax due the town by them, and if he refuses to do the same, upon due notice being given him, he shall pay a fine, at the discretion of the Mayor, not exceeding $10.” Hart arrested Davis and, while he attempted to tie him, Davis struck him.

The lower court found Davis guilty, and he appealed.

The Supreme Court suggested that Davis’ conviction may have rested on the proposition that a free negro is not justified, under any circumstances, in striking a white man. “To this, we cannot yield our assent. Self-defense is a natural right, and, although the social relation of this third class of our population, and a regard for its proper subordination requires that the right should be restricted, yet, nothing short of manifest public necessity can furnish a ground for taking it away absolutely; because a free negro, however lowly his condition, is in the “peace of the State,” and to deprive him of this right, would be to put him on the footing of an outlaw.” So, though a free negro ordinarily was not to return blow for blow or fight with a white man, “as one white man may do with another, or one free negro with another, he is not deprived, absolutely, of the right of self-defense.” Rather, to justify a battery on a white man, the free negro is required to prove that it was necessary for him to strike in order to protect himself from “great bodily harm or grievous oppression.” In other words, if there is cruelty or unusual circumstances of oppression, a blow is excusable. 

In this case, a constable serving a notice on the defendant, without any authority whatever, arrested him and attempted to tie him.  “Is not this gross oppression? For what purpose was he to be tied? What degree of cruelty might not the defendant reasonably apprehend after he should be entirely in the power of one who had set upon him in so highhanded and lawless a manner? Was he to submit tamely? Or, was he not excusable for resorting to the natural right of self-defense?” 

Under these circumstances, the judge committed error, and a new trial was ordered. 

“Floyd, you must be a damned rascal.”

State v. James N. Floyd, 51 NC 392 (1859).

James N. Floyd was indicted for the murder of Richard Martin, a free man of color, in Gaston County, and the case was removed to Mecklenburg County.

David McCullough testified that he went to Martin’s blacksmith shop about dusk on the evening of 17 December, 1858.  A few minutes later, Floyd came to the shop and remained talking with him and Martin in an apparently friendly manner.  The three men drank a dram of liquor each, and Floyd told Martin that he wanted something to eat.  Martin pointed to a piece of meat hanging up in the shop, told the prisoner to cut some of the meat, and handed him a knife.  Floyd cut off a piece of the meat and broiled on the coals of shop hearth. Martin took two biscuits from a box and gave one to McCullough and one to Floyd.  About a half hour later, Martin asked Floyd for his knife.  Floyd claimed that he did not have it, and Martin replied that he had given it to him to cut the meat, and Floyd had not returned it.  Floyd denied again that he had the knife, and the two quarreled angrily for half an hour.  Martin said, “Floyd, you must be a damned rascal, for you have got my knife and won’t give it to me.” Nothing  more was said for about five minutes, when Martin remarked, “damn the knife, I don’t care anything for it, no how.”  Another five minutes passed, then five minutes more.  McCullough got into his buggy, and Floyd on his horse and, when they got 50-75 yards away, Martin came out of his shop and said, “in a mild, friendly tone,” “I’ll give McCullough a dram, but I won’t give Floyd any.”  McCullough reigned up his horse and stopped, and Floyd turned his horse across the road.  Martin handed McCullough a small glass bottle, from which he took a drink and handed it back to him.  Martin then went up to Floyd and extended the bottle towards him.  Floyd immediately got off his horse, and, without a word, the two began to fight.  McCullough tried to reach them, but when he was about ten steps from them, he saw Martin fall on his back.  In a few minutes, he was dead.  Floyd rested with his hands on a fence for a few minutes, then rode off.  This took place about 10 o’clock on a bright moon-lit night.

Martin’s body was found about one hour after he died.  He had six wounds, three on the top of the right shoulder “from which blood was running next morning;” another on the right side extending into the stomach; a deep fifth one on the outside of the thigh; and a sixth a little to the right of the center of his body, ranging from the right to left, passing through the lungs and nearly through his body.  A large bowie knife belonging to Floyd was found near Martin’s body, covered with blood nearly up to the hilt.

Witness Costner stated that, “about two hours by the sun,” he saw Floyd at Neagle’s store, about half a mile from Martin two’s blacksmith shop. As Costner started for home, Floyd told him not to leave because that he (Floyd) might need friends that evening.  A short time later, Floyd repeated the same comment as he pulled out a bowie knife.  (The knife proved to be the one found at the scene of the homicide.) Costner asked Floyd if he would sell the knife, he said no, he expected to have a use for it that evening. He also said he had bought it in Yorkville for ten dollars.

Floyd’s nephew, who lived with him in York district, South Carolina, testified that on the morning after the homicide, he saw a wound on Floyd’s forehead, near the eyebrow, about an inch and a half long, and two or three wounds on the top of his head. In addition, Floyd’s right thumb was either broken or disjointed.

Other witnesses swore that there was a lot of blood at the murder scene, and a stone weighing almost three pounds was found about five feet from Martin’s body.  There was blood and hair and something like skin on it.  The bowie knife was also found, and its blade had two gaps in it, which were not there when Costner and Neagle saw it.

The Gaston County sheriff testified that he asked Floyd how he got the wound over his eye, and Floyd said, “I reckon I did it with my own knife; or I did it with my own knife; they say I had a fight with Dick Martin and killed him, but I know nothing about that.”

Floyd’s counsel offered testimony to prove Martin’s temper and disposition for violence, but the Court ruled to exclude it, and they filed exceptions.

The Court explained to the jury the difference between murder, manslaughter, and excusable homicide and charged, that if Martin had assaulted Floyd, with a stone, bottle, or in any other way, or had attempted to pull him from his horse, and they immediately got into a mutual combat, and during the fight Floyd killed Martin, he could not be convicted of murder, but only manslaughter only. However, “the law would excuse no one for killing another, unless there was an absolute necessity for so doing to save his own life from destruction, or to prevent great bodily harm.”  So, if the jury found that Martin had not assaulted Floyd before Floyd stabbed him to death, then Floyd was guilty of murder, even if Martin had used “offensive language” toward Floyd in the shop and as he approached him with the bottle.  Floyd’s counsel excepted to these instructions.

The jury found the defendant guilty of murder. Floyd appealed, and the Supreme Court ruled that the lower court had erred by barring evidence of Martin’s reputation. “It is error in a Judge, in a trial for murder, to make a hypothesis omitting the leading fact which goes to the exculpation of the accused. It seems that when it is necessary for the accused to account for the fact that he began a sudden mutual affray with the use of a deadly weapon, in order to repel the inference of malice arising from that fact, he may show that his adversary was a powerful, violent and dangerous man.”

Five blows.

State v. Nehemiah Norman, 53 NC 220 (1860).

This indictment for assault and battery was tried in Washington County Superior Court.

Richard Fisher, a free man of color, had been convicted of larceny and was ordered to be sold to cover fines and costs.  A man named Peacock purchased Fisher’s services – essentially as an apprentice – for five years.  Before that term expired, Fisher was “taken up” on the charge of killing one Hussell, who was found dead in his yard.  Defendant Nehemiah Norman gave Fisher “five licks” to make him reveal the gun used to shoot Hussell.  Peacock was present when Fisher was whipped and gave his consent, saying “it ought to be done.”  The county court found Norman not guilty, and the State appealed. 

The state supreme court: “No free person, of whatsoer color, can, according to law, be thus coerced.” And even the assent of  an apprentice’s master cannot  legalize it. The state legislature placed a convict sold to pay off the fines levied for his offense in the condition of an apprentice. This relationship is regulated by general principles, including that which holds that a master cannot whip for unlawful purposes.  Under these circumstances, the five blows Norman inflicted on Fisher are technically an indictable battery.

Judgment of the lower court reversed and entered for the State.

To testify in a charge of adultery.

To the worshipful the County Court of Warren. The Grand Jury request that John Hughes & Allen Wright free persons of color may be sworn & sent before them to testify in regard to a charge of Adultery.  E[illegible] Williams Form.

This summons is undated, but may have been meant for the Allen Wright, 30, who appears as a head of household in the 1850 census of Warrenton, Warren County, with wife Nancy, 30, and children William, 11, and Martha A., 9.  Several free colored Hughes families are listed nearby, but none include a John.

Miscellaneous Records, Warren County, North Carolina State Archives.  US Federal Population Schedules.

Beat her terribly and carried off her children.

BROAD CREEK, on Neuse River, April 9.  On Saturday night, April the 4th, broke into the house of the subscriber at the head of Green’s Creek, where I had some small property under the care of Ann Driggus, a free negro woman, two men in disguise, who with masks on their faces, and clubs in their hands, beat and wounded her terribly and carried away four of her children, three girls and a boy, the biggest of said girls got off in the dark and made her escape, one of the girl’s name is Becca, and the other Charita, the boy is named Shadrack; she says the men were William Munday and Charles Towzer, a sailor lately from Newbern, these men were on board of a boat belonging to Kelly Cason, and was with him in the boat about the middle of the day.  Fifty dollars reward will be given to any person who will stop the children and apprehend the robbers so that they may be brought to justice.  JOHN CARUTHERS.

North Carolina Gazette, New Bern, 10 April 1778.

He once sold a free negro named Wingfield.

State v. John C. Hardin, 19 NC 407 (1837).

John C. Hardin (and John Haney, whose case went to the Supreme Court separately) was indicted for negro-stealing in Rutherford county. Hardin’s trial was removed to Burke County, where he was convicted on both counts in the indictment.   At trial, the State proved that a slave, the property of Nancy Davis, was stolen, or seduced, or went, from Davis’ Rutherford County plantation, on the fourth Saturday of July, 1836.

A witness named Robins testified that on the day after the slave disappeared, he saw Haney at a meeting house in the neighborhood. Haney told him that a negro had come to him the preceding night a little before day and requested that Haney go that evening and tell Hardin to meet him at a place called Webb’s old field that night, about an hour after dark. In the course of the conversation, Haney remarked, “Hardin has missed the one he has been trying to secure; but good luck will come after bad. Tell him, this boy has come to me.” Robins and Hardin went to the place and at the time appointed. Haney whistled and “a large negro-man” When asked where he had come from, Haney said, “He came from the widow Davis.” Haney then remarked, “You, Robins, must take him off. It will be a safe trip, as the widow has not energy to press like some people. In the mean time Hardin will keep him till you get ready to start.” As Haney left, he remarked to Hardin, “You know our agreement,” to which Hardin replied, “yes, it will do.” Hardin, Robins, and the slave then went to a point about a half-mile distant from Hardin’s house.  Hardin thought there might be somebody at his house and directed Robin and the slave to stay in the woods until he checked and returned. Hardin did not return that night, but came with food the next morning. Hardin, Robins and the slave agreed that Robins would take the negro to South Carolina and sell him; that Robins would leave that day and to prepare; and that the enslaved man would meet him the next day at a point designated on the road. All proceeded accordingly, and Robins and another associate, Williams, carried the slave to South Carolina and sold him for nine hundred dollars. Williams was paid part, Haney was paid one hundred and forty-five dollars, and Hardin was paid two hundred and fifty-five dollars. (Hardin insisted upon having the largest share because of “his having tried so long to get a negro, in which he met with bad luck.”) Robins testified that his habits had been moral and upright until he met Hanes and Hardin, who influenced him to join a club that had members spread over the country.  This was his first adventure in selling slaves. However, when further pressed, Robins admitted that he had once sold a free negro named Wingfield for one thousand dollars, of which he gave two hundred dollars to Wingfield himself (for agreeing to be sold); two hundred dollars to a man in South Carolina for helping him to sell Wingfield; one hundred dollars to Haney; ninety dollars to Hardin; and the rest for himself. Robins also stated Haney told him and Hardin, “You know our plan is to steal the negro again and sell him over, so you must make up something to pay for doing that,” and each gave Haney twenty-five more dollars. 

Hardin was found guilty and sentenced to death.  He appealed, arguing  that (1) the jury relied upon the uncorroborated testimony of a co-conspirator, and (2) he had only conveyed away, not stolen, the slave.  The state supreme court rejected the former argument, but agreed with the latter, i.e. that Hardin was a “mere accessory” to the actual theft of the slave.  Venire de novo awarded.

Something wrong was going on.

State v. Edmund Martin, 34 NC 157 (1851).

Edmund Martin, a free man of color, was indicted in Forsyth County Superior Court for stealing a slave named Giles, the property of George W. Smith.  The State’s first witness was Edward Booker.  Booker testified that in late October or November 1850, he was on his way south with his son Henry and a man called Null carrying a load of tobacco belonging to a man named Hamlett in Stokes County.  They stopped at a campground near Martin’s property.  There one of Null’s horses became violently ill, and Martin helped secure and administer aid.  While they treated the horse, Booker gave Martin two or three drinks.  Martin told Booker that he “liked his looks,” asked if wagoning was a slow business, and told him that he could put him into a business that could make money much faster, if he could be trusted.  Martin could make Booker “rich as Hairston.” Booker asked if Martin was referring to horses, and Martin replied that he was not, but his stock was worth $600 to $1200 a piece, “and, by being smart, [Booker] could make five or six hundred dollars in a few weeks.” Booker admitted that he would like to make more money in an honest business.  Martin did not explicitly disclose his plans, but Booker inferred them and agreed to call on Martin when he returned in five or six weeks.

On the first Saturday of December, Booker returned and agreed to enter into business with Martin.  Martin told him he had several slaves concealed at some distance – “he could not keep them near him for fear of being suspected: that there were a great many fox hunters around him, and he had frequently been tracked by their dogs, and been compelled to stand in water up to his waist for an hour at a time in cold weather.” The slaves believed that Martin was going to send them to a free state.  While Booker and Martin were talking, a man named Rains came in to speak privately with Martin, and Booker learned that Rains, too, was going to transport slaves for Martin.  Booker agreed to return around Christmas when Martin would have a slave ready.  Booker was to take the slave, sell him, and divide the profits with Martin.  Booker returned the Thursday after Christmas, but Martin told him he could get things ready before Saturday.  Their plans were thwarted by the arrival of another white man, who persisted in staying all night despite Martin’s efforts to get him to leave.  On Sunday Booker returned to Martin’s house. Martin gave “Jeff.,” a slave, a dram and told him to fetch the slave.  Some time after midnight, Booker heard someone enter the kitchen-end of the house, and Martin brought the slave Giles to him and told him they needed to leave as soon as possible.  Martin told Booker to get his horse and go by himself to Thompson’s lane about a mile away.  There were too many wagoners camping nearby and his neighbor Swicegood’s dogs were “very bad.” Martin would take Giles via short-cut and meet him at the lane.  Booker took Giles to Salem to “Mr. Lash,” but, as the Forsyth jail was not completed, took him on to the jail in Germantown.  Booker, who claimed he  had been pretending to work with Martin in order to catch him in his crime, immediately sent word to Giles’ owner Smith.  Booker met with Smith, and the two hatched a plan.  Booker returned to Martin with $400 counterfeit money and a fictitious note for $300.  He paid off Martin, who was quite pleased, and made arrangements to take another slave, this one a blacksmith.  Booker then went to magistrate McDonald to tip him off to his and Smith’s plan.  When he returned to Martin’s, Martin chained his horse to the smokehouse, confronted him with the counterfeit money, accused him of betrayal and threatened to kill him that night.  Martin said that he belonged to a Murrel clan, and his brothers would kill Booker if he did not.  Another white man there opined that Booker had treated Martin badly.  Booker, alarmed, left without his horse and went to a neighbor’s house.  The next day he sent for magistrate McDonald and had Martin arrested.

Wallis McDonald, the magistrate, testified that Booker had come to his house, about four or five miles from Martin’s, and with some minor variations told him essentially what he had testified to on the stand.

Richmond Swicegood testified that he lived about 300 yards from Martin, that he saw Booker at Martin’s house frequently, that he thought “something wrong was going on” and decided to watch the house.  The night was very wet and rainy, but he “slipped up near” the house and heard Martin trying to get rid of Wood, the white man that Booker testified would not leave. Martin went into the kitchen house, and Swicegood stood near a crack and heard Martin tell his son Henry, “I never told your mother ‘till yesterday what Booker was staying here for.”  Martin then said that “by being smart” he could make five or six hundred dollars in six or seven weeks; “it was a dangerous business, but he did not know any better they could do.”  Satisfied that Martin was up to no good, he decided to consult a neighbor.

G.M. Smith testified that he lived in Davidson County, about seven or eight miles from Martin; that his slave Giles left without permission on 22 November 1850; that he found him in the Germantown jail on 8 January 1851; that he sold Giles immediately; and that on his way home from Germantown he saw Booker, who saw him and Giles.

At the close of evidence, the court’s instructions to the jury included a warning that Martin “was to be tried as if he were a white man” and that “they were to divest themselves of prejudice on account of his color.”  Having, perhaps, done so, the jury found Martin guilty, and he appealed to the state Supreme Court.  Citing State v. Hardin, the court ordered a new trial on the grounds that, as there was no evidence Martin had actually the slave from his owner, he could not have committed a capital felony under the statute.

A free mulatto child for sale!

Kidnapping.  – We learn from the Greensborough Patriot that a gentleman from Patrick county, Va. lately offered for sale, in Salisbury, a free mulatto child!  On discovering an acquaintance, as he was parading the streets in the notable character of a speculator, he made his bow, retired, so fast as not to be heard from when looked after. – Ral. Reg.

Tarboro’ Press, 13 June 1835.

A trial here would be a mere mockery.

State vs Furnifold Jurnigan   }  Selling a person of mixed blood.

The Solicitor maketh oath that he does not believe the State can have a fair trial in this County; this matter has been the subject of conversation in the County, and the defendant by the influence of several men of standing has made it much the matter of general discussion, and has as the Solicitor is informed, so many on the Court yard, in his favour, that it would be a mere mockery to enter upon this trial in Wayne.  Edw. Stanly Solicitor  Sworn to before me in Open Court this 6th of April 1837.  N. Washington Clk.

In 1837, Furnifold Jernigan was indicted for selling Betsy Dinkins, a free woman of color. In the three years prior Jernigan and at least four co-defendants appeared on the Wayne County docket ten times on charges of selling free negroes, but never went to trial. As a result of the state’s solicitor’s complaint to the judge, the case was ordered removed to Greene County, but never appeared on the docket there.  Records Concerning Slaves and Free Persons of Color, Records of Wayne County, North Carolina State Archives.