A.T. was born in the mid-1960s in Elizabeth City NC. She is descended from the following free people of color:
Stephen Newby (ca1800-ca1865) > John D. Newby (1834-ca1905) > Arthur Newby (1859-ca1925)
Millie Dempsey (??-??) > Rhoda Dempsey (ca1800-ca1865)
Annie Goins. Died 20 January 1935, Madison, Rockingham County. White. Single. Born 1 January 1849 in Rockingham County to Gilbert Goins and Paulina Goins, both of Rockingham County. Buried Gibson cemetery. Informant, Flynt Goins.
Winnie Goins. Died 16 April 1927, Barbecue, Harnett County. White. Single. Age about 83. Born Rockingham County to Gilbert Goins and Polina Goins. Buried Gibson cemetery. Informant, William Kye.
Victoria Goins Kye. Died 30 December 1939, Jonesboro, Lee County. White. Widow of William Kye. Born 5 June 1855, Rockingham County to Gilbert Goins and Winnie Goins. Buried at Salem Church. Informant, Mrs. Maude Hickman.
In the 1850 census of Western District, Rockingham County: Gilbert Goings, 46, laborer; wife Deliah, 30; and children Wesley, 14, Nancy, 12, George W., 10, Mary J., 8, William N., 6, Spencer, 4, William R., 3, and Eliza, 1; all mulatto. The family is not found in 1860. In 1870, Mayo, Rockingham County: Gilbert Goings, 62, farmer; wife Paulina, 50; and children Nash, 24, Annie, 20, Elizabeth, 22, Josepine, 18, Victoria, 16, Pendleton, 14, and Samuel, 11; all mulatto.
John Press Goins. Died 16 January 1922, Stoneville, Madison, Rockingham County. Colored. Married. Farmer. Born 1850 to Pres Goins Sr. and unknown mother. Buried Lam graveyard. Informant, Flint Goins.
Alex Goins. Died 14 April 1938, Madison, Rockingham County. White. Widower of Martha Goins. Age 93. Farmer. Born to unknown father and Renda Goins. Informant, Pink Goins.
In the 1850 census of Western District, Rockingham County: Preston Goings, 48; wife Lucinda, 38; and children Mary I., 16, Francis, 15, Elizabeth, 8, Margaret, 7, Columbus, 4, John, 2, and Caroline, 7 months; all mulatto. Next door: Marenda Goings, 33, and children Josiah, 18, Elizabeth, 12, William, 10, George, 8, John, 6, Mathew, 4, and Alexander, 1; all mulatto.
“Dave Dickinson or Dickerson (ca. 1790-after 1850) was a black plasterer and bricklayer active in the Albemarle region in the early 19th century who spent much of his life as an enslaved artisan but was manumitted late in his life. He worked for a planter clientele wealthy enough to build houses with plastered walls. Because of the records kept by these clients and their use of Dickinson’s full name (rather than just a first name as was the case for many enslaved artisans), an unusual amount of his work is documented. There are numerous references to artisans named Dave and Davy, Dickinson and Dickerson, probably referring to the same man but possibly to two different men.
“The first references to Dave Dickinson appear in the memorandum books kept by planter James C. Johnston when he was building his Hayes Plantation House near Edenton. Johnston recorded many payments to workmen, usually by name and only rarely by task, and did not generally distinguish between enslaved and free workmen. Among Johnston’s payments to artisans are those to Dave Dickinson in 1816 and 1817, some as small sums, others as ‘wages’ of $30 and more. Johnston did not identify Dickinson’s trade, but he may have been involved in plastering. During the spring and summer of 1817, Dickinson was at work along with Benjamin French, a plasterer who had come from New York to execute the refined plasterwork at Hayes.
“A plasterer named Dave Dickerson — probably the same man — was mentioned by Chowan County planter Clement Blount in 1837. Blount and his cousin Ebenezer Pettigrew of Tyrrell County were both in need of plasterers. Blount wrote to Pettigrew on June 6, 1837, that he had obtained ‘the promise of Dave Dickerson to go on the 15th July if nothing turns up to prevent him. I think he is industrious and will do the work well.’ In the meantime, Blount was looking out for another plasterer. ‘The fellow Jack Moody [?] I was telling you of I did not know who had the control of him, I have since been informed the Brandy bottle controls him.’ Two months later, Blount had had no success. While waiting to see if Dickerson had finished ‘Mr. [James?] Johnston’s work,’ Blount visited Johnston’s house ‘to see if he was done, and he has not done one stroke of work there yet and has gone to Washington County to Plaster a House for Mr. Harrison at Lees Mills, which is treating you and myself very ill.’ (Blount decided to employ another plasterer, Benjamin Balfour.) In a time when skilled artisans were scarce, even such wealthy and influential men as Blount and Pettigrew were often at the mercy of workmen such as Dickinson, who served a far-flung planter clientele according to his own schedule.
“Dave Dickinson was evidently enslaved for most of his life, but operated almost as a free man. An intriguing entry in the United States census of 1840 listed in Edenton one David Dickinson who, according to the check marks on the census form, was head of a household that included no free people, white or of color, but four slaves — the total number of people cited for the household. Three members of the household were occupied in manufacturing or a trade. It is possible though unusual that the census taker might list a slave household in this way, perhaps thus identifying the household of a well known person living essentially as a free man. (There are also a few other heads of households listed in Edenton in the same census in which no free persons are included, and the total number of household members is the same as the number of enslaved people. Whether these listings were errors or actually represented households of enslaved persons is unknown.)
“In 1846, Joseph D. Bond of Chowan County petitioned for the emancipation of ‘a negro slave known by the name of Davy Dickinson,’ who was then aged 50 and had maintained a good character and given meritorious service. The court granted the petition in 1847. The United States Census of 1850 listed in Edenton a free black bricklayer named Davy Dickerson, aged 60, owner of $200 worth of real property, and with no family members listed as free people. (He may have been living alone or may have had a family who were still enslaved). How long he lived as a free man or who his family members were is not yet known.”
Author: Catherine W. Bishir. Published 2009.
As published in North Carolina Architects and Builders: A Biographical Dictionary, http://ncarchitects.lib.ncsu.edu (All rights retained.) This web site is a growing reference work that contains brief biographical accounts, building lists, and bibliographical information about architects, builders, and other artisans who planned and built North Carolina’s architecture.
ALEXANDER, ARTIS, ASH, BARKER, BENNETT, BELTON, BROCKS, CASSIE, COAL, COUZENS, CUMMINGS/CUMMINS, CURTIS,DAVIS, DISER, DYESS, DYSON, EDWARDS, EDWELL, ELLIS, FRIEND, FLINN, FRASER, GIBSON,GILSON, GOINGS, GOOLSBY, GRADY, GRIFFIS, GUIN, HAMLIN, HARRIS, HOOD, HUGHES, IRWIN, JAMES, JARRELL, JOHNSON, JORDON, JONES, JUMPER, KANE, KING, LONG, MANN, MARTIN, MASON, McBRIDE, MILLER, MOON, MOORE, NICHOLAS, OAKLEY, OLIVER, ORREN, OVERTON, PATTERSON, PRICE, PURSELL, RICKMAN, ROBERTS, SMALL, SMOTHERS, SNOW, STEWART, STUBBEFIELD, SUMPTER, SYLES, TAYLOR, VARNUM, WHEELER, WILSON and WOOD.
#722. Charity Hatcher, 45, and Sarah Hatcher, 14.
#757. Susan Bordan, 70, baker; Angia Capps, 60, sewer; and Catharine Carrol, 7. Susan reported owning $500 real property and $100 personal property.
#760. Henry Mitchel, 25, blacksmith, wife Mary, 26, and Sandy, 6. Mitchel reported $100 personal property.
#790. Lawrence Hagans, 39, ditcher, wife Charity, 35, and children Melvina, 12, Wm. A., 12, Leonas, 9, Everett, 6, and Alsey, 2.
#799. Mary Burnett, 53; and Sally Rue, 35, Susan Rue, 4, and Mary Rue, 14.
#808. Edith Joyner, 40, and children Eliza, 17, Wm., 12, Ben, 8, and Needham, 18, in the household of Susan A. Griswold, hotel keeper.
#818. Alford Artis, 20, in the household of E.A. Thompson.
#146. Moria Brocket, 59, and Melvina Brocket, 10, in the household of Thomas M. Rogers.
#152. Mary Philips, 25, in the household of S.D. Philips, 42.
#154. Wm. Burnett, 49, barber, and wife Cuzzy, 50.
#155. Dolly Burnett, 20, “serving,” Polly Burnett, 18, Betsy Burnett, 5, and William An Burnett, 3.
#156. Solomon Finch, 28, bar keeper, wife Eliza, 27, seamstress, and children Georgianna Finch, 10, and Thomas Russell Finch, 2.
#164. Charity Reed, 30, and son Joseph Reed, 6, in the household of G.W. Hislop, railroad conductor.
#181. Delphi Artis, 27, Zilpah Artis, 25, Patsy Artis, 20, all washerwomen, and William G. Artis, 5, Melvina Artis, 6, Syntha Artis, 2, and Arkansas Artis, 9 months.
#182. Elizabeth Hagans, 25, wash woman; and children Mary Jane Hagans, 6, and William H. Hagans, 4.
#183. James Wiggins, 28, woodcutter; his wife Succy, 32, wash woman; and children Amanda, 5, and Henry Wiggins, 2; and Ann Fenner, 12; and Sydney Wiggins, 55, wash woman.
#186. Jordan Wiggins, 30, stiller, wife Priscilla, 35, wash woman, and children Mary, 18, Robert, 8, George P., 6, Francis, 5, Wm. Jordan, 3, and Bettie, 1.
#191. Henry (no last name), 23, blacksmith, in the household of Calvin Privett, wagoner.
#193. Wiley Hagans, 38, wash woman.
State v. James N. Floyd, 51 NC 392 (1859).
James N. Floyd was indicted for the murder of Richard Martin, a free man of color, in Gaston County, and the case was removed to Mecklenburg County.
David McCullough testified that he went to Martin’s blacksmith shop about dusk on the evening of 17 December, 1858. A few minutes later, Floyd came to the shop and remained talking with him and Martin in an apparently friendly manner. The three men drank a dram of liquor each, and Floyd told Martin that he wanted something to eat. Martin pointed to a piece of meat hanging up in the shop, told the prisoner to cut some of the meat, and handed him a knife. Floyd cut off a piece of the meat and broiled on the coals of shop hearth. Martin took two biscuits from a box and gave one to McCullough and one to Floyd. About a half hour later, Martin asked Floyd for his knife. Floyd claimed that he did not have it, and Martin replied that he had given it to him to cut the meat, and Floyd had not returned it. Floyd denied again that he had the knife, and the two quarreled angrily for half an hour. Martin said, “Floyd, you must be a damned rascal, for you have got my knife and won’t give it to me.” Nothing more was said for about five minutes, when Martin remarked, “damn the knife, I don’t care anything for it, no how.” Another five minutes passed, then five minutes more. McCullough got into his buggy, and Floyd on his horse and, when they got 50-75 yards away, Martin came out of his shop and said, “in a mild, friendly tone,” “I’ll give McCullough a dram, but I won’t give Floyd any.” McCullough reigned up his horse and stopped, and Floyd turned his horse across the road. Martin handed McCullough a small glass bottle, from which he took a drink and handed it back to him. Martin then went up to Floyd and extended the bottle towards him. Floyd immediately got off his horse, and, without a word, the two began to fight. McCullough tried to reach them, but when he was about ten steps from them, he saw Martin fall on his back. In a few minutes, he was dead. Floyd rested with his hands on a fence for a few minutes, then rode off. This took place about 10 o’clock on a bright moon-lit night.
Martin’s body was found about one hour after he died. He had six wounds, three on the top of the right shoulder “from which blood was running next morning;” another on the right side extending into the stomach; a deep fifth one on the outside of the thigh; and a sixth a little to the right of the center of his body, ranging from the right to left, passing through the lungs and nearly through his body. A large bowie knife belonging to Floyd was found near Martin’s body, covered with blood nearly up to the hilt.
Witness Costner stated that, “about two hours by the sun,” he saw Floyd at Neagle’s store, about half a mile from Martin two’s blacksmith shop. As Costner started for home, Floyd told him not to leave because that he (Floyd) might need friends that evening. A short time later, Floyd repeated the same comment as he pulled out a bowie knife. (The knife proved to be the one found at the scene of the homicide.) Costner asked Floyd if he would sell the knife, he said no, he expected to have a use for it that evening. He also said he had bought it in Yorkville for ten dollars.
Floyd’s nephew, who lived with him in York district, South Carolina, testified that on the morning after the homicide, he saw a wound on Floyd’s forehead, near the eyebrow, about an inch and a half long, and two or three wounds on the top of his head. In addition, Floyd’s right thumb was either broken or disjointed.
Other witnesses swore that there was a lot of blood at the murder scene, and a stone weighing almost three pounds was found about five feet from Martin’s body. There was blood and hair and something like skin on it. The bowie knife was also found, and its blade had two gaps in it, which were not there when Costner and Neagle saw it.
The Gaston County sheriff testified that he asked Floyd how he got the wound over his eye, and Floyd said, “I reckon I did it with my own knife; or I did it with my own knife; they say I had a fight with Dick Martin and killed him, but I know nothing about that.”
Floyd’s counsel offered testimony to prove Martin’s temper and disposition for violence, but the Court ruled to exclude it, and they filed exceptions.
The Court explained to the jury the difference between murder, manslaughter, and excusable homicide and charged, that if Martin had assaulted Floyd, with a stone, bottle, or in any other way, or had attempted to pull him from his horse, and they immediately got into a mutual combat, and during the fight Floyd killed Martin, he could not be convicted of murder, but only manslaughter only. However, “the law would excuse no one for killing another, unless there was an absolute necessity for so doing to save his own life from destruction, or to prevent great bodily harm.” So, if the jury found that Martin had not assaulted Floyd before Floyd stabbed him to death, then Floyd was guilty of murder, even if Martin had used “offensive language” toward Floyd in the shop and as he approached him with the bottle. Floyd’s counsel excepted to these instructions.
The jury found the defendant guilty of murder. Floyd appealed, and the Supreme Court ruled that the lower court had erred by barring evidence of Martin’s reputation. “It is error in a Judge, in a trial for murder, to make a hypothesis omitting the leading fact which goes to the exculpation of the accused. It seems that when it is necessary for the accused to account for the fact that he began a sudden mutual affray with the use of a deadly weapon, in order to repel the inference of malice arising from that fact, he may show that his adversary was a powerful, violent and dangerous man.”
In the 1850 census of Upper Richlands, Onslow County: brothers Lewis Skipp, 16, and James Skipp, 10, both mulatto, in the household of white farmer Stephen Humphrey.
In the 1860 census of Westbrooks, Sampson County: Lewis Henderson, 25, wife Margaret, 26, and children Lewis S., 4, James L., 3, and Isabella J., 4 months. Also, James Henderson, 22, in the household of white farmer Lewis C. King.
Lewis Henderson and James Henderson were the oldest sons of James Henderson, born about 1815 in Onslow County. Skipp may have been their mother’s surname.
Virginia, Powhatan County, to wit;
On this 15th day of June 1820, personally appeared in open court in the county court of Powhatan, in the state aforesaid, being a court of record, Reuben Bird, aged about fifty six years, according to the best estimate that can be made, who being first duly sworn according to law, doth on his oath make the following declaration in order to obtain the provision made by the acts of Congress of the 18th March 1818 and the 1st May 1820, that he, the said Reuben Bird enlisted for and during the war of the American Revolution in April or May in the year 1780 in Hillsborough in North Carolina in the Company commanded by Captain James Gunn in the Regiment of Dragoons commanded by Col’o White of Virginia; that he continued to serve in the said Corps until the peace came, when he was discharged from service in Culpepper county, in the state of Virginia: that he was in no battle, he being a colored man, and kept as a Bowman, although he was very near the ground where several were fought; and that he has no other evidence now in his power of his said services except the certificates of Benjamin Sublett and Larkin Self herewith exhibited:
And in pursuance of the act of the 1st of may 1820, the said Reuben Bird solemnly made oath that he was a resident citizen of the United States on the 18th of March One thousand eight hundred and eighteen, and that he has not since that time, by gift, sale, or in any manner disposed of his property, or any part thereof, with intent thereby to diminish it as to bring himself within the provision of an act of Congress, entitled “An act to provide for certain persons engaged in the land and naval service of the United States in the Revolutionary War,” passed on the 18th day of March One thousand eight hundred and eighteen, and that he has not, nor has any person in trust for him, any property or securities, contracts, or debts due to him; nor has he any income, other than what is contained in the Schedule hereto annexed, and by him subscribed to wit: Real and personal property, none; he is by trade a Bricklayer, and is not very able to pursue his trade in consequence of a Rupture, which obliges him to wear a Truss of Steel; his family consists of his wife, who is about 37 years old, and one child, a female about seven years old; his wife is healthy, and by her industry somewhat contributes to support the family. Reuben X Bird.
From the file of Reuben Bird, Revolutionary War Pension and Bounty-Land Warrant Application Files, National Archives and Records Administration.
In the attached affidavit, Benjamin Sublett swore that he was a sergeant in Captain William Mayo’s company at the time of General Gates’ defeat at Camden, South Carolina, and “in the same company a mulatto boy appeared to be about the age of 16 or 17 years by the name of Reuben Bird,” who enlisted at “Hilsbury” in about May 1780.
Haywood Musgrove v. Wm. J. Kornegay, et al., 52 NC 71 (1859).
On a writ of habeas corpus, Simon and Lucretia Musgrove, colored children, were brought into Wayne County Superior Court upon the petition of their father, Haywood Musgrove. William J. Kornegay, in his defense, presented a deed that Musgrove had executed to Kornegay, purporting to bind the children to him as apprentices. It appeared that Simon was over twelve years old at the time of the transaction; assented to the binding, but did not sign the deed; and served Kornegay three or four years. However, Lucretia was only three or four years old at the time and did not assent to the binding in any way.
The court ordered Simon and Lucretia returned to Kornegay, and their father appealed.
The Supreme Court: “A father is entitled to the services of his child until he arrive at the age of twenty-one.” He has a right of property in the child’s services, may enforce them by reasonable correction, and if the child absconds or is taken away, may recover custody by habeas corpus. However, a father cannot assign this interest to a third person, unless the child is old enough to enter a contract (age twelve at the time) and assents to the assignation by executing the contract with his father. In this case, Lucretia was too young to be sign a contract and should be returned to her father. And though Simon was more than twelve years old, he did not sign the deed, “the proper order is to discharge the infant and permit him to go where he pleases. Order below reversed. This order will be entered, and judgment against Kornegay for costs.”
Fourth Generation Inclusive 